"Hundreds of women gave the accumulated possibilities of an entire lifetime, thousands gave years of their lives, hundreds of thousands gave constant interest, and such aid as they could. It was a continuous, seemingly endless, chain of activity. Young suffragists who helped forge the last links of that chain were not born when it began. Old suffragists who forged the first links were dead when it ended." - Carrie Chapman Catt and Nettie Rogers Shuler. WOMAN SUFFRAGE AND POLITICS: THE INNER STORY OF THE SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT, 1923.
In 1995 we commemorated the passing of seventy-five years since the 1920 ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment which enfranchised American women. It required almost as many years for suffragists to achieve this victory: between 1848, when a resolution calling for woman suffrage was adopted at the Seneca Falls Convention, to 1920, when the federal woman suffrage amendment was finally ratified, several generations of suffragists labored tirelessly for the cause. Many did not live to see its successful conclusion.
The woman suffrage movement, which began in the northeastern United States, developed in the context of antebellum reform. Many women including Sarah and Angelina Grimke, Abby Kelly, Lucretia Mott, and Lucy Stone began speaking out for woman's rights when their efforts to participate equally with men in the great reform movements of the day--including antislavery and temperance--were rebuffed. These early feminists demanded a wide range of changes in woman's social, moral, legal, educational, and economic status; the right to vote was not their initial focus. Indeed, those present at the Seneca Falls Convention regarded the resolution demanding the vote as the most extreme of all their demands, and adopted it by a narrow margin at the insistence of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Frederick Douglass.
After the Civil War, women's rights leaders saw enfranchisement as one of the most important, perhaps the most important of their goals. They were extremely disappointed when the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments did not provide universal suffrage for all Americans, but extended the franchise only to black men. Indeed, the woman's rights movement divided acrimoniously in 1869 largely over the issue of whether or not to support ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment.
The other organization, the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) was
led by Lucy Stone with the aid of her husband Henry Blackwell, Mary Livermore,
Julia Ward Howe, Henry Ward Beecher, Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Thomas
Wentworth Higginson and others; it endorsed the Fifteenth Amendment while
working for woman suffrage as well. While supporting a federal amendment for
female enfranchisement, this organization concentrated on developing grass roots
support for woman suffrage by forming state-level organizations; and, working
through its organ, the Woman's Journal, the AWSA tried to make woman suffrage
and other feminist reforms seem less radical and consistent with widely-shared
American values.
In the 1870's, disheartened by the response to the proposed federal
amendment, suffragists also tried other approaches to winning the vote. These
included the use of the courts to challenge their exclusion from voting on the
grounds that, as citizens, they could not be deprived of their rights as
protected by the Constitution.
Victoria Woodhull, a beautiful, radical, and iconoclastic figure who briefly
gained the support of Stanton and Anthony in the 1870s (before her scandalous
personal life and advocacy of free love were revealed at great cost to the
movement), made this argument before Congress in 1871.
In 1872, Susan B. Anthony attempted to vote, hoping to be arrested and to
have the opportunity to test this strategy in the courts; she was arrested and
indicted for "knowingly, wrongfully and unlawfully vot[ing] for a representative
to the Congress of the United States." Found guilty and fined, she insisted she
would never pay a dollar of it. Virginia Minor, a suffrage leader in St. Louis,
succeeded in getting the issue before the United States Supreme Court, but in
1875 the Court ruled unanimously that citizenship did not automatically confer
the right to vote and that the issue of female enfranchisement should be decided
within the states.
Historians differ as to the reason the West was so precocious in its adoption
of the woman suffrage. One theory was that frontier conditions undermined
traditional gender roles and that women, having proven their ability to conquer
difficult conditions and do "men's work," were rewarded with the vote. Another
theory was that the politicians hoped that women voters would help to "civilize"
the West. Most historians stress practical politics as opposed to advanced
ideology as the explanation, arguing that western politicians found it expedient
to enfranchise women for a variety of reasons. In Utah, for example, Mormons
hoped that the votes of women would help tip the balance of power in their favor
in their ongoing power struggle with the non-Mormon population, consisting
largely of miners, railroad construction workers, cowboys, and prospectors, who
tended not to have women with them. For whatever reasons, these four western
states were the only states to adopt woman suffrage in the nineteenth century.
The next round of state victories did not come until 1910, and these were also
in the West (Washington, 1910; California, 1911; Oregon, 1912; Kansas, 1912; and
Arizona, 1912).
The WCTU endorsement, however, gained for the suffrage movement a powerful
opponent when the liquor industry concluded that woman suffrage was a threat to
be stopped at all costs. Indeed, NAWSA President Carrie Chapman Catt later
referred to the liquor industry as "the Invisible Enemy" and believed that its
corrupt manipulation of American politics long delayed the coming of woman
suffrage.
Though Stanton continued to address a wide range of feminist issues, many of
them quite radical (including her indictment of Christianity in her 1895 The
Woman's Bible), most NAWSA leaders including Anthony thought it imperative that
the movement focus almost exclusively on winning the vote. In keeping with the
new approach and influenced by the conservatism of new recruits, the suffragists
went to great lengths to avoid association with radical causes.
The new NAWSA strategy included building support in the South. There the
historic connection between the woman's movement and antislavery made suffrage
anathema to the white conservatives who once again controlled the region and
made advocacy of woman suffrage quite difficult for the influential white women
the NAWSA wished to recruit. In the 1890s, however, with Laura Clay of Kentucky
as intermediary, NAWSA leaders went to great lengths to, in Clay's words, "bring
in the South."
Using a strategy first suggested by Henry Blackwell, northern and southern
leaders began to argue that woman suffrage--far from endangering white supremacy
in the South--could be a means of restoring it. Indeed, they suggested, the
adoption of woman suffrage with educational or property qualifications that
would disqualify most black women, would allow the South to restore white
supremacy in politics without "having to" disfranchise black men and risk
Congressional repercussions.
The NAWSA spent considerable time and resources developing this "southern
strategy," sending Catt and Anthony on speaking tours through the region, and
holding the 1895 NAWSA convention in Atlanta; at the insistence of their
southern hosts they even asked their aging hero Frederick Douglass--who was an
honored participant in women's rights conventions elsewhere in the nation--to
stay away. By 1903, however, it was clear that this southern strategy had
failed; the region's politicians refused (in the words of one Mississippi
politician) to "cower behind petticoats" and "use lovely women" to maintain
white supremacy--and found other means to do so that did not involve the
"destruction" of woman's traditional role.
Despite the fact that white suffragists largely turned their backs on them in
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and, in the South, excluded
them totally from white suffrage organizations, a growing number of black women
actively supported woman suffrage during this period. Following a path blazed by
former slave Sojourner Truth and free blacks Harriet Forten Purvis and
Margaretta Forten who spoke at antebellum women's rights conventions, and
Massachusetts reformers Caroline Remond Putman and Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin
who were active in the AWSA in the 1870s, black women persevered in their
advocacy of woman suffrage even in these difficult times. Prominent African
American suffragists included Ida Wells-Barnett of Chicago, famous as a leading
crusader against lynching; Mary Church Terrell, educator and first president of
the National Association of Colored Women (NACW); and Adella Hunt Logan,
Tuskegee faculty member, who, in articles in the Crisis, insisted that if white
women needed the vote to protect their rights, then black women--victims of
racism as well as sexism--needed the ballot even more.
Under the leadership of Carrie Chapman Catt, president from 1900 to 1904, the
NAWSA began successful efforts to recruit large members of socially prominent
and politically influential women (the "society plan") and to convince the
growing numbers of middle and upper-class women involved in women's clubs that
woman suffrage would be a boon to their civic improvement efforts. They also
reached out to the new generation of college-educated women, many of them
professionals, reminding them that their opportunities were owed to the pioneers
of the woman's movement, and challenging them to take up the torch. The movement
profited greatly from the new ideas and energy of younger leaders such as Maud
Wood Park and Inez Haynes Irwin who formed the College Equal Suffrage League,
and Mary Hutcheson Page of Massachusetts and Harriot Stanton Blatch (the
daughter of Elizabeth Cady Stanton) of New York, who reinvigorated the suffrage
movements in their states by introducing new tactics borrowed from English
suffragists including open-air meetings and parades. Blatch also organized the
Equality League of Self Supporting Women (1907), later called the Women's
Political Union.
The NAWSA also expanded its educational efforts, distributing literature to
schools and libraries, sponsoring debates, disseminating a new and less radical
image of their movement's own history in which Anthony was virtually canonized.
But particularly after Catt resigned in 1904 (owing to the illness of her
husband) and Dr. Anna Howard Shaw inherited the presidency of the NAWSA, the
de-centralized NAWSA provided little in the way of a national political
strategy. Between 1896 and 1910, no new states were won for woman suffrage; only
six state campaigns were attempted and all of them failed.
Middle-class reformers such as Jane Addams, founder of the famous settlement
house, Hull House, in Chicago and Florence Kelley, Executive Secretary of the
National Consumer's League, were strong supporters of woman suffrage. And labor
leaders including Rose Schneiderman, labor organizer and speaker with the
Women's Trade Union League, and Agnes Nestor, President of the International
Globe Workers Union, worked hard for suffrage as a means of achieving improved
conditions for workers.
Many working-class women joined the movement, welcomed by middle-class
leaders such as Harriot Stanton Blatch (who had objected to the NAWSA's "society
plan") who worked to unite women of all classes into a revitalized suffrage
movement. As opponents were quick to point out, many socialists supported woman
suffrage, though some socialists who were more radical in approach including
Emma Goldman thought it foolish to expect that much progress would come from
female enfranchisement. As in the case of temperance and suffrage, however, the
idea that women would support Progressive reforms provoked opposition:
industries that stood to lose from Progressive reform, such as the cotton
textile industry of the South, joined the liquor industry as formidable
opponents of woman suffrage, and worked together with the growing number of
antisuffrage organizations to oppose state suffrage referenda.
Paul and her followers had no patience with the slow, state-by-state plodding
that had consumed the NAWSA's energies since the 1890's, and demanded that the
organization focus its attention almost exclusively upon the federal amendment.
Though this infuriated a minority of southern suffragists who were states'
rights activists and supported female enfranchisement by state action only, the
NAWSA did indeed renew its campaign for a federal amendment--but not before it
parted company with Paul and her followers.
The central issue in this new rift in the suffrage forces was Paul's advocacy
of a strategy derived from the British suffragists, to oppose the
"party-in-power" until it adopted woman suffrage, a strategy that violated the
NAWSA's longstanding policy of non-partisanship. Forming their own organization,
soon known as the National Woman's Party (NWP), Paul and her followers continued
to pursue a federal amendment using bold new tactics, many of them directed at
forcing President Wilson to support the federal amendment; these ranged from
mobilizing women voters in western states against Wilson's re-election in 1916
to burning his war-time speeches in praise of democracy publicly in front of the
White House.
Suffrage Strategies During "the Schism": 1869 -1890
The West Pioneers in Woman Suffrage
Woman Suffrage and Temperance
Unity Restored Through the NAWSA: 1890
Woman Suffrage and the Race Issue
Rebuilding: 1896 - 1910
The Suffrage Movement and Progressivism
Alice Paul and the National Woman's Party